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Journal of Peace, Conflict and Military Studies
Vol. 1, No. 2, November 2000, ISSN 1563-4019
The Winds of Change: The Role
of Public Information in the Era of Information Operations
Captain Christopher Nemeth (Retired)*
U.S. Naval Reserve
Democratic military public information has traditionally included
programs to build relations between the military and key audiences:
community leaders and citizens, ones own forces, and the press.
U.S. military forces recently have consolidated public information
and other military information functions into the doctrine of information
operations (IO). This is in response to bad actors on the
international stage using mass communications (including the Internet)
to influence public opinion during armed conflict.
This essay explores how the advent of information operations affects
the perception, value, and practice of public information. The questions
and implications have import for the practice of public information
on the African continent as its countries seek to establish open
public discourse.
The Role of Information Operations
Traditional military strategies such as battle space dominance are
used to assert control over land, water or air space. The information
environment, however, exists in a realm that is outside of any single
commanders control: the global information environment (GIE).
The GIE is a combination of both civilian and military information
networks and technologies. This environment exists separate and
apart from the boundaries of geography or statehood. It includes
national global and defense infrastructures, national and foreign
industry, joint systems, international organizations, political
leaders, other governments, and elements of the editorial media
such as Cable News Network (CNN) and the Internet. It is the GIE
that electronically links organizations and individuals around
the globe.1
Live worldwide television coverage of the Operation DESERT SHIELD/DESERT
STORM drove a new message home to the civilian and military leadership
on both sides of that conflict. Public views of success or failure
were being developed during, not after, events via the GIE. In short
order, the U.S. military realized that shaping the battle
environment must also include shaping the information environment.
Failure to do so could create inaccurate and negative public perceptions
about the U.S.-led coalition that could lead to its demise.
Information Operations and Public Information
It will help to start by understanding what is meant by the terms
information warfare and information operations, then to identify
where public information belongs. Some authors such as Fredericks
2 have included the conduct of public information and media relations
within the field that is termed information warfare. Other authors
such as Kuehl 3 define information warfare more narrowly. For Kuehl,
information warfare consists of those offensive and defensive
war fighting actions in or via the information environment to control
or exploit it. Kuehl defines information operations as the
range of military government operations to protect and exploit the
information environment. Unlike information warfare, information
operations spans the conflict spectrum from peace to war and
back to peace, and it involves all elements of the national government,
not solely the military. It is information operations that
merges traditionally separate capabilities and activities,
including public affairs, counter deception, physical security,
communications security, deception, computer security, physical
attack/destruction, counterintelligence, counter propaganda, network
management, electronic warfare, operational security, computer network
attack, civil affairs, and information security.4 Public information,
then, is more correctly considered within information operations
and not information warfare.
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Power in truth telling makes public information a viable and valuable
resource of the commander.
The IO Cell
Three roles have served a commands traditional needs for information
support: civil affairs (CA), psychological operations (PSYOP), and
public information (PI). Civil affairs typically involves the creation
and management of social systems (e.g., elections) in order to restore
a society to order. The difference between psychological operations
and public information, though, is not as clear.
Psychological operations are planned operations to convey
selected information and indicators to foreign audiences to influence
their emotions, motives, objective reasoning, and ultimately the
behavior of foreign governments, organizations, groups and individuals.
The purpose of PSYOPS is to induce or reinforce foreign attitudes
and behavior favorable to their originators objectives.5
In the U.S., public information is the maximum release of
information to the American public consistent with national and
operational security.6 Public information practice does not
include the same methods as PSYOP. While PSYOP seeks to influence
attitudes with tactics such as deception, public information relies
on truth. However, that does not limit the effect of public information.
In fact, its effect can be more powerful under some circumstances.
The reason is that in many cases, the ability of public affairs
to inject a well-timed truth into the equation can have as significant
an impact upon an adversary as a detailed deception plan.7
This power in truth telling makes public information a viable and
valuable resource of the commander. It also provides the commander
with tools that limit and even avoid conflict entirely.
The Changing Role of Conflict
Three aspects of military conflict have been affected by the contest
for public opinion in the GIE: objectives, symmetry and deterrence.
Objectives Opposing sides in a conflict pursue contrary
objectives. That pursuit occurs on three levels: tactical, operational,
and strategic. Tactics are actions that are intended to achieve
an objective. Operations are tactics that are planned and carried
out over a period of time. Strategic operations are directed at
attaining objectives in a specific theater (theater strategic).
Alternately, strategic operations may affect the citizenry and values
in ones own nation (national strategic).
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It can be argued that when national media are present, any tactical
situation becomes strategic. For example, when the United States
sent forces to Somalia, their mission was to restore order in a
country that had been ravaged by famine. However, media coverage
that showed the public abuse of U.S. forces there effected a sharp
national reaction in the U.S. mission there. A tactical situation
in Somalia elicited a strategic outcome in the U.S., via the GIE.8
Two aspects of conflict have provided the impetus for public information
to evolve from a support role to an operational role: asymmetry
and deterrence.
Asymmetry In conflicts such as World War II, adversaries
conducted symmetric wars. Similar kinds of forces used similar types
of tactics. The sides and issues were in little doubt.
Since Vietnam, opponents have varied widely in scale and ability.
Without a tactical or strategic edge, adversaries have sought means
other than equal military strength in order to deny an opponent
strength or support. Finding and exploiting an opponents weakness
has been a frequent asymmetric tactic. For example, guerrilla forces
use stealth or surprise in order to counter an opponents material
or force supremacy.
In Kosovo, Slobodan Milosevic used U.S. citizen sensitivity to
potential casualties and to human rights as an asymmetric route
to try to weaken the NATO alliances cohesion. Apple9 described
Kosovo as the ultimate extension of asymmetry. It exemplified the
kind of complex, confusing crisis that takes place in a twilight
zone, full of uncertainty, where rules are formulated (and broken)
as the participants choose. It is hard to know who is winning, sometimes
harder to know who has won.
Deterrence Deterrence is the delay of armed conflict through
non-hostile means. It makes it possible to deny an adversary his
objective without exposing ones own forces to jeopardy.
The writings of Chinese philosopher Sun Tzu described the precedent
for deterrence:
Only when the enemy could not be overcome by these means was there
recourse to armed force, which was applied so that the victory was
gained: (a) in the shortest possible time; (b) at the least possible
cost in lives and effort; (c) with the infliction on the enemy of
the least possible casualties.10
For German military writer Carl von Clausewitz, deterrence provides
an alternative to all-out conflict. It is a measured response, just
enough to checkmate the attempted aggression, that can be
used as an alternative to mass retaliation. Such straightforward
dealing enables the commander to disarm the enemy through
the employment of an inner or moral courage. That inner courage
complements the physical courage that is more often associated with
hostilities.11
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Deterrent effect can be used to suppress an adversarys willingness
to launch aggressive action. This can delay an adversarys
initiative. Such a delay can be used to accomplish a variety of
actions. For example, a delay can be used to buy to enable a coalition
to forge a consensus.
The GIE provides a faster, more direct contact with an adversary
than ever before. How a military commander uses the GIE now affects
the outcome of conflicts. Public information, as part of the information
operations cell, is one of the means that is available within IO
to accomplish a favorable outcome.
The Role of Public Information
The role of the warrior storyteller extends back to ancient times.
Leaders sought consent from the citizenry to undertake an action
or campaign. Any soldier or sailor returning from battle had an
account of his experience to tell. Eventually, storytellers observed
the battle and conveyed its account to a variety of audiences.
Until the Vietnam conflict, public information practitioners acted
as controllers or gatekeepers of information and access. Media were
relatively few. Media representatives observed a reasonably consistent
set of conventions, although not always cordially. Military commanders
sought to obtain well-informed media coverage of events in the field.
Commanders also solicited insightful judgment about media coverage
through participation in editorial board sessions. Attention was
paid to the way that the media portrayed the command and issues
of concern to the command. The members of media were considered
to be best attuned to the interests of their subscribers, listeners,
or viewers. As a result, speed and accuracy of response to media
queries was the standard for public information staff performance.
The contest for perceptions conducted in the GIE has changed that
role. Now, public information practitioners perform as an information
resource and initiator. Reactive methods such as imposing limits
and control have given way to three active methods that can be employed
to pre-empt those who would attempt to deny the military commanders
objectives: revelation, explanation, and assessment.
Revelation Revelation brings to light information that is
not known. The ability to assess actual conditions before, during,
and after hostilities removes the potential for an adversary to
make false claims stick.
Revelation can be used to effect deterrence. For example, the demonstration
of the actual capabilities of ones own forces can give pause
to an adversary (as long as those capabilities can actually be brought
to bear).
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Revelation can also be used to deflate false claims that may be
used to solicit public sympathy. For example, an adversary might
claim that an opponent caused the destruction of an orphanage that
was actually a munitions cache. The release of accurate video or
still photo coverage of the damaged area could be used to deflate
the false claim by revealing it to be military asset.
Explanation Explanation provides a context for information
that is known but is not understood or that has been imbued with
a biased meaning. Such claims and counter-claims are the manner
in which much of the contest for public opinion is conducted. Countering
incorrect assumptions with fact can quell an otherwise chaotic situation
that adversaries can use to their advantage.
Assessment Through assessment, public information acts as
the commanders lead agent in understanding the adversary through
his use of the media. What has or has not been said? How has it
been said, and where? Is this consistent with or inconsistent with
expectations? Is the command getting the outcome it seeks?
Application to Practice
The conduct of information operations has already brought about
a significant change in the practice of public information. This
has occurred primarily in the European Theater, particularly in
the Balkan conflicts in the Former Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY)
and the Serbian province of Kosovo. Two events in recent years have
provided U.S. and allied forces with the opportunity to explore
the use of public information within the information operations
environment: Operation JOINT ENDEAVOR and Operation ALLIED FORCE.
Operation JOINT ENDEAVOR Captain Mark Van Dyke, USN served
in 1996 at Sarajevo, Bosnia-Herzegovina as Chief of Public Information
for the Implementation Force (IFOR) while assigned as Director of
Public Information for Allied Forces Southern Europe (AFSOUTH).
IFOR afforded NATO with its first chance to implement the information
cell concept as it enacted the Dayton Accords.
Van Dyke recounts that, in addition to political, economic, and
military elements, public information was one of the four
main elements of power used by the international communitys
military leaders to shape the operational environment, deter potential
conflicts and resolve crises in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Through
the efforts of a common information cell, civil affairs, public
information, and political advisors developed and implemented an
IFOR information campaign (IIC) in order to coordinate the daily
IFOR message that was synchronized with operations.
IFOR recognized the need for public information and psychological
operations to remain separate, in order for public information to
remain credible. The IFOR information cell maintained a partition
between PSYOP and public information by assignment. PSYOP communicated
directly with the Bosnian people. Public information communicated
with the domestic (U.S.) and world publics via the mass media. Continual
coordination among cell members ensured that communications were
consistent and implemented according to IFOR policy.
Public information has now become a prime asset for the commander
on the battlefield of perceptions.
IFOR efforts were hampered by a lack of manpower, by NATO staff
who had no public information experience, and by a lack of NATO
internal information doctrine. Väätäinen12 noted
that the six-month rotations for IFOR staff made it all but impossible
for them to grasp Balkan issues and to develop meaningful contacts
with the media. International and local press,
. . . were relatively happy with the press briefings and individual
spokespersons whose credibility was crucial to the mission.
Those staff members who gained respect from the press do so as a
result of their expertise on the region, knowledge of what was happening,
or honesty and frankness . . ..
Despite the rigors that the combined environment imposed, Van Dyke
considered the program to have been a success. Information operations
were used to shape opinions and attitudes, deter aggressive
actions, and diffuse crises when they did occur. Research
done of press conferences during JOINT ENDEAVOR indicates that interviews
and press conferences with commanders were among the most credible
and effective means of communicating IFORs message to the
public. 13
Operation ALLIED FORCE U.S. participation in NATO operations
in support of Kosovo was the first opportunity to exercise public
information in the information operations environment during hostilities.
The experience, which spanned 1998 through to 1999, shows mixed
results.
Slobodan Milosevic used the media extensively in his efforts to
erode the cohesion of the NATO alliance before, during, and after
the operation. By ejecting the foreign press and non-governmental
organizations (NGOs), he created what amounted to an information
vacuum that he filled at will, free from scrutiny by objective third
parties. Having no ground forces or observers, the information
war revolved around claims by Milosevic that were related
to the results of air strikes. Milosevic appeared to have accepted
the risks of media chiding over the mass press expulsion, as well
as a certain residual skepticism about Serbian motives.
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The air campaign began in March, 1999. Senior staff at U.S. European
Command (EUCOM) headquartered in Stuttgart, Germany was already
conversant with information operations doctrine. They had already
stood up an IO cell and had developed a comprehensive IO plan. The
plan was provided to NATO in order to help move the new approach
forward. It would serve in effect as a substrate for the NATO IO
effort. In the end, ALLIED FORCE lasted only three months. The brief
time was too short to deploy public information resources or to
establish and operate a full PA/IO effort.
The information war continued long after hostilities
ended.14 Claims over the effectiveness of NATO bombing were still
being argued well after the conflict subsided.15 To this day, public
sentiment in Kosovo and Serbia regarding the outcome of the operation
remains an open topic of debate.
Public Information in the Information Operations Era
The public information role is changing under the influence of information
operations. In its new incarnation, public information has become
operational in nature, synchronized with the operational situation,
initiative, and inclusive of all services and agencies.
Operational Public information is now among the resources
that the commander employs to achieve campaign objectives when dealing
with an adversary. No longer a support role, the focus of public
information is on operational campaign objectives. Practitioners
who are unfamiliar with the sophistication that is necessary for
intra-service, inter-service, allied, and combined collaboration
will be unable to earn and sustain the trust of the operational
commander.
Public information now operates relative to the actions and messages
of adversaries while events unfold. Public information practitioners
must cultivate a razor-sharp situational awareness. Those who succeed
in this role will be able to sense what adversaries are able to
and likely to do, and have a variety of options ready on how to
proceed as the campaign evolves.
Initiative The public information message is linked to the
battle commanders objectives. Public information staff members
collaborate with other information cell participants to plan and
execute information campaigns. This requires a strong sense of how
to employ truth telling as a deliberate command role. Public information
practitioners need to apply an aggressive, incisive intellect to
support the command mission.
The information war begins long before any organized deployment
of forces. Public information resources need the equipment, transportation
resources and professional skills to act as independent advance
forces.
Adversary-oriented Unlike the traditional model of friendly-only
communications, the adversary is now a key audience. Public information
assumes the responsibility to understand key issues, culture, decision-makers
in that audience, as well as to assess outcomes with that audience.
This requires those who practice public information to learn the
culture, behavior and language of each area in which they operate.
That includes regular, as well as irregular, parties that may have
occasion to influence the position of the commanders forces.
Inclusive of all services, agencies Participation in IO
activities integrates political leaders, civilian agencies, non-governmental
agencies, as well as military services. Public information practitioners
need to grasp the range of interests and approaches that each participant
brings to the table.
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Conclusions
Information is a means to breathe the fresh air of truth into the
public discourse in a democratizing nation. Information operations
are clearly blowing the winds of change through the practice of
public information. Initial indications show that the collaboration
among information cell roles, including public information, can
have substantial value and success.
The future is not certain, however. Many aspects of public information
practice and its employment by senior staff and unit commanders
will need to be resolved. In addition, those who practice the role
of public information will need to step forward and meet the information
war challenge. As the Balkans conflicts have recently shown,
bad actors can exert more influence that one might suspect by waging
asymmetric conflicts.
Public informations role in injecting a well-timed
truth can strike a telling blow in these circumstances. But revelation,
explanation and assessment require news skills and abilities among
those who use them. The challenge now for those who rely on this
new role and who practice this new role is to shape it, learn it,
and use it.
Endnotes
- FM 100-6. Department of Defense. Washington, D.C. August, 1996.
- Fredericks, B. Information Warfare at the Crossroads.
Joint Force Quarterly. Summer, 1997. 97-103.
- Kuehl, D. Defining Information Warfare. The Officer. Reserve
Officers Association. Washington, DC. November, 1997.
- Joint Publication 3-13 (final coordination draft) Joint Doctrine
for Information Operations. Department of Defense. Washington,
DC. July, 1998. I-10.
- Information Warfare Defense. Defense Science Board Task Force.
November, 1996.
- DoD Directive 5122.5. Public Affairs. Department of Defense.
Washington, DC.
- Denying the Enemy: A Concept for Information Operations. Marine
Corps Combat Development Command. Surface Warfare. July-August
1998. pp. 22-27.
- Hovatter, G. Deputy Director (ECPA) U.S. European Command. Personal
interview. Stuttgart-Vaihingen, GER. July, 1999.
- Apple, R.W. Its the 21st Century Arriving Early.
The New York Times. April 1, 1999. A14.
- Griffin. S.B. Sun Tzu: The Art of War. Oxford University Press.
New York.1963. 39.
- Von Clausewitz, Carl. On War. Penguin Books. New York. 1968.
58, 139, 274.
- Väätäinen, S. Totally Honest? The IFOR Press
and Information Operation in the Balkans in the Eyes of the Press.
M.A. Thesis in Journalism. Department of Communication. University
of Jyväskylä, Finland. December 1997. 36-39.
- Van Dyke, M. NATO Military Public Information Operations: IFOR
Lessons Learned. Presentation to the Ministry of Defense. Bucharest,
ROM. May, 1997.
- Whitney, C. NATO Chief Still Directing Battle of Words
Over Kosovo. New York Times. September 17, 1999. A10.
- Newman, R. The Bombs That Failed in Kosovo. U.S.
News and World Report. September 20, 1999. 28-29.
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